Hongling Xie - US grants

The aim of this research is to clarify the development sequelae and functions of socially aggressive behaviors in comparison to physically aggressive behaviors. Longitudinal studies have shown that physical aggression in childhood and early adolescence provide reliable predictions of subsequent maladjustment such as school dropout, teen parenthood, substance abuse, and violence and criminality. It is not clear whether socially aggressive behaviors would follow similar sequelae and serve similar functions in development. Specifically, this research aims to examine: (1) the developmental sequelae of socially aggressive behaviors and linkages to subsequent developmental maladjustment; and (2) the relation between socially aggressive behaviors and social group functioning. While social aggression is the focus of this study, physical aggression provides the background for comparisons and contrasts. It is expected that socially aggressive behaviors and physical aggressive behaviors would follow different sequelae and serve different functions in development. Approximately equal numbers of females (N=364) and males (N=331) were involved in the Carolina Longitudinal Study (CLS) since they were in childhood (4th grade) and early adolescence (7th grade). They were annually interviewed through grade 12 and at ages 20 and 24. Over 98% of them still participated in CLS by the end of high school. Narratives of interpersonal conflicts reported during the first three years of CLS will be coded to identify patterns of social aggression and physical aggression in childhood and adolescence. Information on participants' concurrent adjustment (e.g., academic competence, popularity) and social networks was obtained from multiple informants: teachers, self, peers, and observers. Information on participants' adjustment outcomes in late adolescence and early adulthood (e.g., school dropout, teen parenthood, criminal arrests) was obtained through self- report in individual interviews, school records, criminal records, and newspaper reports.

DESCRIPTION (provided by investigator): The primary goal of this research is to clarify the intergenerational transmission of risk and resilience. Teen parenthood and school dropout will be studied in two consecutive generations. It is shown that becoming a parent before age 20 and failure to graduate from high school severely limit an individual's social and economic options. Today's teenage parents and youth that failed to complete high school may be less likely than were previous generation of teen mothers and school dropouts to overcome the socioeconomic adversity. Previous research has identified significant continuity of teen motherhood and educational attainment across generations. Understanding the process of intergenerational transmission will help identify the possible mechanisms for prevention and interventions. Specifically, this research aims: (1) to clarify the process of intergenerational transmission of teen parenthood and school dropout; (2) to identify risk and protective factors in intergenerational development, and (3) to examine the intergenerational coping of teen motherhood and its relation to the development of children (G3) born to teen mothers. The offspring generation (G2) of this study includes 364 females and 331 males who have participated in the Carolina Longitudinal Study (CLS) since they were in childhood (grade 4) and early adolescence (grade 7). They were interviewed annually through grade 12 and at ages 20 and 24. The retention rate was high (medium = .97). Information about their social and cognitive adjustment (e.g., academic competence, and popularity) and their peer social networks was obtained from multiple informants: teachers, self, peers, and observers. Their highest level of education and age when they first became a biological parent were determined by self-report, parent report, school records, and newspaper reports. A total of 629 parents (Gi) were also interviewed when G2 participants were in late adolescence and early adulthood. Information was obtained on age of motherhood (G 1), education levels of both parents, family SES, family structure, parenting practices with G2 participants during childhood and adolescence, and GI parents' involvement in raising grandchildren born to teenage daughters. When G3 children were at age 1 or 2, their mothers (G2 participants) were interviewed about their parenting behaviors and living arrangement. Parent-child interactions were video-taped and coded. G3 children's social and cognitive development was assessed during age 1 to 2 and again at school entry (age 4 - 6). In summary, this study aims to investigate the processes of intergenerational transmission using longitudinal, multimethod approach.

DESCRIPTION (provided by applicant): The primary goal of this study is to clarify the social cognitive elements underlying children's use of social aggression in peer conflicts. Previous research has shown that physically aggressive children differ from non-aggressive children in social cognitive processes and social competence. Less is known about more subtle forms of social aggression (e.g., gossiping, social exclusion). Recent studies have shown that social aggression, unlike physical aggression, is more likely to be used by girls and is often mediated by peers. Children who use social aggression tend to be central members of peer networks, and they are often judged to be socially intelligent (Kaukiainen et al., 1999; Xie et al., 2002). This study will continue and expand this line of research by examining the relations between (a) children's use of social aggression and (b) the accuracy of social perceptions of peer networks and the degree of emotional understanding (i.e., reports of children's own and their peers' emotions during the conflict). Other types of aggression (e.g., physical and verbal) will also be included. Further, we plan to identify subgroups of aggressive children who differ in peer experiences (e.g., aggressive-popular and aggressive-unpopular). A corollary aim of this study is to determine potential differences between inner-city youth and rural-suburban youth. We plan to utilize data collected in two distinct samples: One involves youth from rural and suburban areas in the Carolina Longitudinal Study, and the other involves youth from high-risk inner-city neighborhoods in the Urban 2000 study. Similar protocols were used in both studies for individual interviews. Narrative reports of conflicts with peers, perceived emotions of the self and others involved in a conflict, and nominations of peer groups will be analyzed for data collected from the first two years of the longitudinal studies. The rural-suburban sample includes 220 children (116 girls and 104 boys) from grade 4 and 475 adolescents (248 girls and 227 boys) from grade 7. About 25% of them are African-American. The inner-city sample includes 147 4th graders (77 girls and 70 boys) and 256 7th-graders (156 girls and 100 boys). Over 99% of this sample is African-American. High levels of retention from year 1 to year 2 were obtained: .95 for the rural-suburban sample and .88 for the inner-city sample. Both variable-oriented analysis and person-oriented analysis (configuration analysis) will be conducted.

During the transition to middle school, youth make significant adjustments to changes in school context and peer culture. It is reported that aggression and deviance become more accepted in middle school peer groups, while good classroom behaviors become less valued. Such changes in peer attraction and acceptance are likely to influence middle school students' social orientation and educational aspirations. This transition is also related to increased levels of social aggression and victimization (e.g., gossip, alienation, backbiting). The primary purpose of this project is to examine youth's social experience in peer groups during the transition to middle school. Specifically, we are interested in how changes in peer social dynamics may affect youth's use of various forms of aggression and their experience of victimization (physical, verbal, and social) in school. Approximately 450 children will be followed from the spring of 5th grade to the spring of 7th grade. Data collection regarding children's friendships and peer social networks, their experiences with aggression and victimization, their opinions about themselves, and their perceptions of peer culture at school will occur in each semester. Analyses will determine changes in youth's aggression and victimization, and how peer social relations and peer culture may contribute to such changes. This research will generate fresh information on the dynamic interplay between various forms of aggression and peer social processes. Traditional research and intervention efforts have been focused on physical or verbal aggression at school. Research shows that middle school students frequently experience social aggression, and that victimization is detrimental to children's learning and social/emotional development. The findings from this study will be extremely informative to the development of comprehensive and effective prevention programs targeting multiple forms of aggression and victimization at school. Such programs have the potential to reduce school violence and enhance students' behavioral and academic performance.